By C Burchard
Those are the acts of a global symposium on 'Armenia and the Bible: tradition, culture, and textual content - Die Bibel in der armenischen Kultur', that was once held at Heidelberg from July sixteenth to nineteenth, 1990. designed to debate the Armenian Bible, in all on hand varieties and from all attainable angles, as a massive issue of Armenian tradition: historic, medieval and sleek. clean impetus used to be anticipated within the fields which have been really good researched, reminiscent of the language of the Armenian Bible, its textual content and transmission, biblical codicology and illustrations, the Wirkungsgeschichte of the Bible in Armenian via commentaries, sermons, and liturgy, its functionality as a beginning for dogmatics and ecclesiastical legislation and order. New efforts have been was hoping for in parts which are much less studied or overlooked comparable to using the Bible in Armenian paintings except publication illustrations (but together with epigraphy), its effect on schooling either at domestic and at school, its position in renowned faith and personal lifestyles, or the influence of its language at the Armenian language normally. exact cognizance used to be to be paid to what occurred to the Bible nowa days, rather because the emergence of secular Armenian tradition within the nineteenth and twentieth centuries (Peeters 1993)
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Extra resources for Armenia and the Bible: Papers Presented to the International Symposium Held at Heidelberg, July 16-19, 1990 (University of Pennsylvania Armenian Texts and Studies)
2). Precisamente, porque todos los eones que proceden deI Logos por vfa masculina son de naturaleza racional, ninguno de ellos podra imprimir en su respectiva consorte la formaci6n gnôstica, es decir, ninguno de ellos tiene capacidad para revelar las profundidades insondables deI Abismo, puesto que éstas transcienden cualquier categorfa, delimitaciôn 0 conceptualizaci6n. 2). Detras deI mito subyace la teologfa de la generaciôn deI Hijo unigénito. 1); a renglôn seguido la desarrollan a camara lenta mediante el mito de la pasiôn que experimentaron todos los eones 0 virtualidades deI Unigénito a partir deI primer par, Logos / Vida (configuraciôn racional), hasta evidenciarse en Sabidurfa, ultimo de los eones deI Pléroma, pasiôn que fue restafiada definitivamente gracias a la unciôn llevada a cabo por el ultimo par, Cristo / Espfritu Santo (formaciôn gn6stica).
4; 32 and par. 26. HomLc 23 and par. 27. n II 112. 28. CCels 1 5 and par; cf SVF 1 61-62, ms. 264-271; for the Christian writers, see Epiph. Pan. III 36; Theod. Therap. III 74. 29. Tatian fr. 7-8 Schwartz; CCels VI 51 and par. 30. 5. 31. 3 and par. 32. 201 (ed R. H. Charles [Oxford 1-2 1913]), only mentions the texls of Oement and Origen as evidence, but see also Philo, QG III 43. 33. Tatian fr. 7-8 Schwartz; CCels VI 51 and par. 34. CCels IV 68 and par. 35. 1 and par; cf J. E. L. Otùton and H.
Passim. 39. n II 137; 155; XIII 324; 336; 417 and par 40. a H. , Origène (Paris 1985) 25, who points out two instances: ComMt XIV 2 and ComRm 1 1. 41. See also below. 42. a A. von Harnack, "Der kirchengeschichtliche Ertrag der exegetischen Arbeiten des Origenes. 1 Die heiligen Schriften und die exegetische Tradition," TU 42/4 (1919) 4-34; for such references to Philo, see D. T. Runia, Origeniana V 333-39. 47 Origen and the Intellectual Heritage of Alexandria 43. 3, probably in reference to Philo or Josephus.